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May 21st
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Aegis Trust

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When we can, Aegis supports the work of REACT - which provides educational materials for Darfuri refugees in Chad.

You can see some of the efforts below in this (exhausting) video on REACT's recent triathlon teams.

To donate please go visit my fundraising page for REACT - it's all in the past now but your money still goes to a very good cause.

 


We recommend the new updated edition of Linda Melvern's A People Betrayed:
MelvernPeopleBetrayed
Amazon (UK)
Amazon (US)

Red Terror Trials

Posted by: NickDonovan in Untagged  on

I can heartily recommend a new book from the African Issues team: "The Ethiopian Red Terror Trials" edited by Kjetil Tronvoll, Charles Schaefer and Girmachew Alemu Aneme.  The book contains succinct summaries of the Derg regime and the time of the 'red terror' , essays on the role of the special prosecutor, and analyses which place the trials in the context of transitional justice in general and post-Mengistu Ethiopia in particular.

For a very quick introduction to the crimes against humanity committed by the Derg regime try some of the following articles:

- Recording Ethiopia's Red Terror, BBC News article on the efforts of Hirut Abebe-Jiri to build a documentation centre on the red terror

-  The Times, article on efforts to extradite Mengistu from Zimbabwe to Ethiopia.

... and, if you have bit more time, try these:

- Library of Congress Country Study:  Revolution and Military Government

- The Mengistu Genocide Trial in Ethiopia, 2007 Jnl of International Criminal Law article by Firew Kebede Tiba (requires subscription).


War criminals and ordinary soldiers alike are buried at Japan's controversial Yasukuni shrine. Ceremonial swords provide both a picture of sweeping grace and a uncomfortable reminder of their use in the massacre of many Chinese civilians at Nanking. See more at the showing of Yasukuni (New York Times film review) at the Film Forum, 209 West Houston Street, west of Avenue of the Americas, South Village.


I posted earlier on Senator Dick Durbin's proposed Crimes Against Humanity Act.  It incorporates crimes against humanity into US law and provides for extra-territorial jurisdiction for any suspects subsequently found in the US.

It's a great step forward, albeit largely unnoticed in all the febrile debate about whether the US will join the International Criminal Court (a highly unlikely scenario in the next couple of decades given the need for Senate approval).

But will it be retrospective?  I.e. could suspects from Rwanda (1994), Darfur (2003-), Cambodia (1975-79), or Liberia (1989-2003) be prosecuted in the US if they travel there?  Or will the new law only apply from 2009 onwards?

The first hurdle is that in the USA retroactive legislation is unconstitutional under Article 1, Section 9 of the constitution.   The US isn't alone in this - most countries prohit retroactive law making, and it's specifically prohibited by both the European Convention on Human Rights (Article 7) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 15).   However in both the ECHR and the ICCPR a specific exemption is made for atrocity crimes:

This article shall not prejudice the trial and punishment of any person for any act or omission which, at the time when it was committed, was criminal according to the general principles of law recognised by civilised nations. [ECHR, Art 7.2]

In the UK we've been campaigning, succesfully, for the retrospective application of the jurisdiction of English courts over war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.  Hitherto English law has applied prospectively from 2001, the date of our International Criminal Court Act.  The British government has announced that it will change the law so jurisdiction will apply from 1991, following the example set by New Zealand. (The 1st January 1991 was chosen as the date from which the UN Security Council, when setting up the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, definitively codified international law on crimes against humanity.   I.e. from 1991 its beyond doubt that crimes against humanity were 'criminal according to the general principles of law recognised by civilised nations'.  (A full discussion of retrospectivity, the ECHR, the ICCPR and international law can be found in our report: Suspected War Criminals and Genocidaires in the UK). )

The UK isn't alone:  our colleagues at TRIAL in Switzerland are today testifying in the Swiss Senate about retrospectivity, and Senegal recently changed its constitution to allow for te retrospective application of jurisdiction.

And the US?  Well it's not clear yet.  The following exchange in the debate on the Genocide Accountability Act 2007 is illuminating:

MR PENCE:  Mr. Speaker, I would like to engage in a colloquy on an issue affecting this legislation with the gentleman from California, Mr. BERMAN.  Our legislation, H.R. 2489, and S. 888 are identical bills, as you know. But during the Crime Subcommittee hearingon H.R. 2489, a witness from the Departmentof Justice theorized that the changes proposed by this bill might constitute a violation of the ex post facto clauses of article I of the Constitutionin some cases. Let me ask you, if this legislation becomes law, Mr. BERMAN, would we be able to use it to prosecute a non-U.S. national taking part in the genocide in Darfur today?  I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. BERMAN. I thank the gentleman for his question and yielding to me and appreciate his comments and partnership on this bill.  In response, I would say that the genocide in Darfur is an ongoing crime.  The House recognized it as such over 2 years ago, and there is no question that this crime continues today. We believe that ex post facto clearly would not apply in this situation.
Mr. PENCE. I thank the gentlemanfor clarifying that.  Lastly, going back to that specific hypothesis from the witness from the Department of Justice, if this new law were used to prosecute a perpetrator of a past genocide, the assertion was it may constitute an ex post facto violation of the Constitution. Do you agree with that hypothesis?
Mr. BERMAN. The gentleman raises an important issue, and I do not agree with that hypothesis. I think the witness from the Department of Justice was offering a spontaneous and personal opinion, which he was careful to label as such, and not an official interpretation by the Department.
When we crafted this bill, we were careful to write it as narrowly and precisely as possible. We were and remain interested only in changing the circumstances under which certain parties may be charged under the genocide statute.  Our intent is to make a procedural alteration to the current law and leave everything else in the statute untouched.
In determining whether or not a law presents a violation of the ex post facto clauses of the Constitution, courts have generally considered whether the new law: one, places the defendant at a substantial disadvantage compared to the law as it stood when he committed the crime of which he has been convicted;  secondly, changes the definition of the crime; or three, increases the maximum penalty for it. The Genocide Accountability Act doesn't alter in anyway either the elements or the punishment for the crime of genocide.
The underlying notion here is that the defendant should be on notice that his actions constituted a crime. I think it would be very difficult for anyone to argue that the world is not on notice that we consider and have considered for many years genocide a crime. The United States has recognized genocide as a crime for nearly 60 years as a signatory of the Genocide Convention.
Neither do we make any change that would deprive one charged with the crime of any defense that is now available under the law. It is important to add that the Supreme Court has found a key exception to the ex post facto rule where changes to a law are procedural in nature.
In numerous decisions, the court has held that where a law involves changes in the procedures by which a criminal case is adjudicated as opposed to changes in the substantive laws of crimes, and I quote that phrase directly, that does not deprive a defendant of substantial legal protections, then it is constitutional.
It is our conclusion that this bill falls within that exception and makes only procedural changes to the law. So it was our intent that this law be used to prosecute perpetrators of genocide who are on notice that their acts constitute a crime wherever it was committed.
Mr. PENCE. I thank the gentleman for his response.

It may be that for tactical reasons the framers of the Crimes Against Humanity Act wish to rely on the same reasoning and not be specific on whether the Act will be retrospective in its effect - leaving it to the courts to sort out.  However, even if only to have greater certainty in the law, is it not better to be upfront and introduce an amendment to specifically state the date at which each act is deemed to be a crime?


The Anfal Reader

Posted by: NickDonovan in KurdsIraqGenocideChemical weaponsAnfal on

The Anfal campaign was a genocide of Iraqi Kurds which took place in the late 1980s.  The following is an attempt to bring together some of the best analyses, trial judgments and summaries of al-Anfal available on the web.

The best place to  start is Human Rights Watch's excellent Genocide in Iraq, The Anfal Campaign Against The Kurds.

Next, but not for the faint hearted, is the 900 page ruling of the Iraqi High Tribunal (IHT) in the Anfal trial which has been made available in English by the very useful Grotian Moment blog on the IHT. For an analysis of the IHT ruling from a former consultant to Human Rights Watch and the International Center for Transitional Justice turn to Jennifer Trahan's A Critical Guide to the Iraqi High Tribunal's Anfal Judgment:  Genocide Against the Kurds.

Other sites of interest incude:

- CHAK, an NGO focused on Anfal and Halabja's survivors

- Maps of the 8 Anfal operations

- Van Anraat case summary (includes links to court rulings).  Frans van Anraat was the Dutch businessman convicted of war crimes for selling precursors of chemical weapons to Iraq.

- ITN news footage of Halabja from 1988.

And for further reading, offline, you could do worse than consider the very thorough:

A Poisonous Affair, America, Iraq, and the gassing of Halabja, by Joost Hiltermann (currently at the International Crisis Group) which gives us an analysis of the use of chemical weapons by Iraq both against Iran and its own Kurdish citizens, and the ignominious role of the US and other UN member states in tolerating this crime against humanity.

... and the insiders' view of the Iraqi High Tribunal:

Enemy of the State: The Trial and Execution of Saddam Hussein, by Michael A Newton and Michael P Scharf.


Is this the first serious attempt to codify ethnic cleansing in law?

Senator Dick Durbin's Crimes Against Humanity Act, which looks certain to pass through the US Senate (as did his Genocide Accountability Act in 2007) lists a variety of crimes including:

(7) NATIONAL, ETHNIC, RACIAL, OR RELIGIOUS CLEANSING- The term `national, ethnic, racial, or religious cleansing' means the intentional and forced displacement from 1 country to another or within a country of any national group, ethnic group, racial group, or religious group in whole or in part, by expulsion or other coercive acts from the area in which they are lawfully present, except when the displacement is in accordance with applicable laws of armed conflict that permit involuntary and temporary displacement of a population to ensure its security or when imperative military reasons so demand.

If enacted this will mark the remarkably quick progress from Balkan euphemism to statute law.  I'd be happy to be proven wrong - is there a definition of ethnic cleansing in use anywhere else?   Email me at nick.donovan@aegistrust.org

(In a later post I'll look at whether this law will be retrospective in its application, or not. Will it cover crimes committed in Liberia, Darfur, Rwanda and elsewhere in the 1990s and earlier?)

 


There is a trap which it's easy for NGOs and activists to fall into.  'Things are getting worse', 'the problem is worse than realised', 'things are worse here than in 99% of other countries' - these are the types of statements which motivate activists, bring in donations and attract media attention.

For an NGO specialising in raising awareness about crimes against humanity the temptation to conclude that the incidence of mass atrocities is getting worse is ever-present.

Two points are worth bearing in mind.

I've learned something new reading 'A View from the Foothills, The Diaries of Chris Mullin' - the former FCO minister "responsible" for Africa during the time the Darfur crisis erupted (2003-2005).

It's long been known that, in the aftermath of the attacks on the World Trade Centre, both the UK and US cultivated bilateral ties with Sudanese intelligence; leading to much-reviled trips by Saleh Gosh to both Washington and London. It's also common knowledge that the world was reluctant to jeopardise the long-fought-for Comprehensive Peace Agreement between north and south Sudan by 'complicating it' through reference to the attacks on Darfuri civilians in the west.

I hadn't also realised that the UK, at least, was also attempting to persuade the Sudanese Government to 'lift' the leadership of the Lord's Resistance Army of Uganda:


Monday 26th January, 2004
A big pow wow in my room to discuss what can be done about the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda. Hilary Benn came over from DFID, Liz Lloyd from Number 10, Adam Wood, Our Man in Kampala and a host of officials from various departments, including the SIS. ... The consensus was that Museveni can't hope to defeat the LRA militarily and so a way has to be found to open a dialogue with a view to offering their leaders safe passage; all very distasteful considering the horrible atrocities they have committed. Afterwards, however, Adam Wood and the man from SIS stayed behind and old me confidentially that there was a chance - just a chance - that the Sudanese could be persuaded to lift the LRA leadership and hand them over. Now that would be a great prize.

Wednesday 10th June, 2004
Up early to prepare for a Westminster Hall debate on Darfur, a catastrophe entirely man-made. As so often, there is a tightrope to be walked. The only thing that stops us forthrightly condemning the evil, rotten regime which has perpetrated the slaughter is the fact that we need the co-operation of the Sudanese rulers to get aid to the afflicted; and also to preserve the painstakingly negotiated recent agreement between north and south; finally, we want their help delivering up Joseph Kony and his Lord's Resistance Army... Whatever we do in Darfur thousands, perhaps tens of thousands are going to die.


When it comes to Darfur the diaries, an otherwise enjoyable romp through wryly observed low-level Ministerial life and political gossip, reek of impotence and relative neglect by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.


Canada's war crimes programme is the longest running in the world, designed to prevent Canada from becoming a safe haven.  Usually they rely on immigration law to deport suspects - like this Iranian Revolutionary Guard - however, Canadian courts have just convicted Désiré Munyaneza on seven counts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Prosecutions are much rarer than the use of immigration law because a) of the costs of a prosecution, and b) it's easier to resort to immigration law - the standard of proof is much lower than that required for a criminal conviction.

Read:

- the judgment in English or French

-  the entry in the always excellent Trial Watch website

- Criteria for selecting and prioritising core international crimes cases from PRIO which includes a paper by Terry Beitner of the Canadian War Crimes program, describing where, when and why they choose prosecution over immigration action.